5.2.05
What
would we say
if an
American institution,
holding a seventh of all
the land in the United
States, adopted
statutes that
allowed it to
sell or rent land
only to White
Anglo-Saxon Protestants?
We
would not believe
it. And it is, indeed,
impossible.
But
that’s the way
things are in Israel.
This is
now the subject of a
stormy public debate.
These are the
facts: The Jewish
National Fund (in
Hebrew Keren Kayemet
le-Israel - KKL)
holds 13% of all the land in
Israel. Its
statutes explicitly
prohibit the sale
or rental of land
to non-Jews.
This means
that every
Jew in the world,
living anywhere
from Timbuktu
to Kamchatka,
can get land
from the KKL,
without even coming to
Israel, while an
Arab citizen of
Israel, whose
forefathers have lived
here for
hundreds – or even
thousands - of years,
cannot acquire a
house or an
apartment on
its land.
The
debate arose after
a recent ruling of the Israeli
Supreme Court
which proscribed
discrimination between
citizens in the
distribution of land. On the
strength of this,
the KKL has been sued.
Now the Attorney
General has
decided that the
Government cannot
discriminate against
Arab citizens,
even while distributing
land belonging to
the KKL.
This
is all very
nice,
but there is a “but”.
The best legal brains
looked for a
way out: How
to keep the
discrimination alive in
spite of the court’s
decision? No Problem.
The Attorney General
simply proposes
that for
every dunam (1000
square meters, a Turkish
measure still
applied in Israel)
that the KKL will have
to distribute –
God forbid –
to Arabs, the
government will
compensate it
with another
dunam somewhere
else. The alternative
land will be in
the “peripheral” areas,
the Negev and the Galilee,
where it is
much more profitable.
And for good
measure, the government
will guarantee
that the annual
revenues of the KKL will
reach half a billion
Shekels. Thus the
cake will be
divided but
remain whole.
The
KKL, by the way,
appoints almost
half the directors of the “Israel
Land Authority”, the
government body that is in charge of
all state-owned
land in Israel.
In
this situation, 20% of the
citizens of Israel
are denied the right
to buy a home in
large parts of the
country, while this
right is enjoyed
by Jews
living in Brooklyn
and Odessa.
How
did this state of
affairs come
about?
Like
many other bad
things here,
it started
quite innocently.
More
than a
hundred years
ago, when the
Zionist movement was
created, the need
arose to buy
land for Jewish
immigrants in Palestine.
The KKL was set up for
this purpose. In
every Zionist home around
the world a blue
collection box was hung
up. In every
classroom in Jewish
schools, children were
urged to drop
their coins
into the box. In Jewish
schools in this country,
KKL-trustees were
appointed, whose
job was to
encourage donations,
for example
by organizing
fund-raising competitions
between classes and
between schools. The blue box became a
symbol of the Zionist
movement, perhaps the most prominent.
I, too, put my
coins into the box
that was passed
along the benches
every Friday in
my classroom in
the Ahad-Ha’am
elementary school in
Tel-Aviv.
With
the money thus
collected, a lot of land was
acquired, on
which Kibbutzim
and Moshavim were
set up. That was
the height of Zionist
idealism. The “Redemption of the Land”
and “Hebrew Labor”
were the cornerstones
of the Zionist dream.
And, indeed,
what could
be more beautiful?
Children all over
the world dropped
their pennies
into the blue box. The land of
Israel was bought
with good
money. On
this land the pioneers,
sons of
merchants
and usurers,
tilled the field in the sweat of
their brows.
All
over the world, Jewish
children were
singing: “I shall
tell you,
girl, / And you
too, boy, / How in
the land of Israel / The land is
redeemed. // A dunam
here, a dunam
there, / Clod
after clod, / The
land of the people is
being bought, /
From the North to
the Negev. // On
the wall there
hangs a box, / A blue box, /
Every penny in the box /
Redeems land…”
However, this
beautiful story had a dark
side, which was
not registered in
Zionist consciousness.
The land was indeed
bought, often at
exorbitant prices, but
from rich
absentee owners,
who did
not live on
it or
cultivate it. When
the late Ottoman Empire was
bankrupt and in dire
need of money,
it sold
huge tracts
to rich
Arab merchants in
Jaffa, Beirut and
other cities,
who bought
them as an
investment. The Arab
Felaheen (farmers), who
had tilled the land for
many generations,
were mere
tenants. When the
KKL bought the land, the
Felaheen were
driven out, often
with the help of the Turkish, and later
the British police.
In
spite of all this
effort, when the
United Nations
resolved in November
1947 to partition
the country between a
Jewish and an Arab
State, less than
7% of the land belonged
to Jews. Only
a part of this area
belonged to the
KKL, the rest to
private Jewish owners
in the towns and the
agricultural “colonies”.
Logic
would have dictated
that with the
founding of the State of
Israel, the KKL transfer its
lands to the
State. After all,
that was the idea
of collecting the money.
But
this did
not happen. In fact,
the very opposite
took place: the new
state transferred
to the KKL millions
of dunams of land
expropriated from
Arabs – the refugees
who were
not allowed
to return (“absentees”
in legal language),
those who had
remained in the country
but were absent on
a given day
from their
villages (“present
absentees”), as well as
Arabs who
became citizens of
Israel.
It
is important to
keep this in mind,
since it
disproves the big lie
that hovers over
the whole debate:
that the KKL land was
bought with the
money of the Jewish
people. The greater
part of the present KKL land was not
bought at all,
but conquered in
war and transferred to
the KKL.
Why
transferred? Why
did the sovereign
state transfer lands gratis
to a non-state body? Only
one reason
comes to
mind: so as
to continue with
the discrimination
against the Arab
citizens.
In
an official brief, the KKL argues
that it does
not owe
loyalty to the
principles of the State of
Israel, as put down in the 1948
Declaration of
Independence (equality
between all
citizens, regardless
of religion and race),
but to “The Jewish
People”. This
means
that “The Jewish
People”, which is
not a political
body, is being presented
as an independent entity
superior to the State of
Israel.
The KKL does
not act, of course,
for “the Jewish
People”. It is
an instrument of the
Israeli Jewish
community against the
Israeli Arab
community. It
has
become an instrument
for institutionalized
discrimination. The
Attorney General’s
sleight of hand, designed
to satisfy the
demand of the Israeli
Supreme Court
for equality
between all
citizens, while
still allowing a
body based on
discrimination to
keep hold of 13% of the land in the state,
does not change
the situation in
principle.
The KKL is
not unique.
Discrimination reigns
in many fields. In
the last few days alone,
the following facts
happened to
come to
light:
-
The
chiefs of the Treasury
Ministry are pondering
how to
pay allowances
to big Jewish
families, without paying
them to big
Arab families. (There
are two communities
in Israel with a
soaring birth-rate:
the Jewish orthodox and the
Muslim Arab,
especially Bedouin.)
-
The
Ministry of the
Interior is pushing a
law that
allows all
foreigners who
marry Israelis
to acquire
Israeli citizenship,
even if they are
not Jewish –
but explicitly
excludes Arabs.
This denies
thousands of young
Arabs, citizens
of Israel, the right
to set up a
family in Israel,
if the bride
or bridegroom is
a resident of the Palestinian
territories, even if
he or
she is a relative.
-
The Ministry of
Education confirmed
what until
now has been
an open secret:
that the appointment
of every teacher and
principal in an
Arab school in Israel is subject
to the approval
of the General Security
Service (Shin-Bet). But
the ministry is
progressing with the
times: Until
now, the Shin-Bet
representative was
automatically the vice-chairman of
the appointments
committee. From
now on, he
will only
be a simple
committee
member.
It would
be
nice if we
could say that
these phenomena, and the
many others of the
sort, are inspired
by the right-wing.
But the truth is
that most of them
came into being
when the Zionist left
was in control, and continue
now with the
support of the left-wing
whose representatives serve in the
Sharon government.
This
is not the state that
we promised ourselves
in the Declaration of
Independence. We have a tough
struggle ahead of
us,
until Israel
becomes a democratic,
liberal, secular,
pluralist and egalitarian
state.
A step in
this direction
would be the
abolition of the KKL and the transfer of
its lands
to the state.